Translation
Algiers Republic |
République d'Alger |
 |
Motto: "Vengeance, Triomphe, Patrie" "Vengeance, Triumph, Fatherland" |
Anthem: Partant pour la Syrie |
| Capital and largest city: Alger |
| Official and national language: French |
| Nationality: 15.2% French - 4.9% Continentaux - 10.3% Pieds-Noirs 22% Métis (French-Arab mixed race) 59.7% Arab 3.1% Other |
| Religion: 35% Christianity - 34% Roman Catholic - 1% Other 54.3% Islam - 42.3% Sunni Muslim - 7.4% Ibadi Muslim - 4.6% Shiite Muslim 6.8% Judaism 3.9% Other |
| Demonym: French, Pieds-Noir, Arab, Algerian |
| Government: - Unitary presidential republic (de jure), - Military junta (de facto) President: Kais Saied Chairman of the Committee: Pierre de Gaulle |
| Legislature: Parliament - Upper house: Senate - Lower house: National Assembly |
| Area: 749,152 km2 |
| Population: 59,120,00 - Density: 78.9/km2 |
| Currency: Franc, Fr (FRF) |
The national genesis of the République begins in 1830 when France, then still a kingdom, began its conquest of the Maghreb in Algeria. Over the next four decades French control would slowly creep through the region, beginning in the coastal strongholds of Oran and Algiers and expanding first across the entire Algerian coast, then inland. By 1870 the mountainous hinterlands of the Algerian Mediterranean had been subdued, the wide, uninhabitable Sahara to the south halting further advance. In 1870 a time of crisis dawned on the French Empire. Internal strife in tandem with a treacherous invasion by a Prussian-led German alliance saw the Empire burst at the seams, Paris fell into communist uprising and Emperor Napoleon III was captured by the Prussian armies after being defeated in battle. As the Germans enforced their demands the nation fell into all out revolution and Emperor Napoleon recognized it was either fight or flight - and he chose flight. Gathering his army, whatever remained loyal at least, he fled south across the sea, and stumbled into the colonies of Algeria. He maintained his title as Emperor of the French, though now clearly having much less legitimacy to do so. He accomplished very little as sickness began to take hold. He died in Algiers in 1873.
Following Napoleon's death his military commanders recognized the dire situation they were in, ruling as a small minority in a nation with a different race, culture, religion, language and identity. Deeming a monarchic succession too risky and a democratic transition to chaotic, the general staff of Napoleon's army simply enforced military rule over the region, leading to a decades long string of revolts across the Algiers territory. In the early years of the 20th century, a lesser civil servant who had served in the army during the Prussian invasion and fled with Napoleon to Africa would begin to climb the ranks of power in the junta hierarchy. Henri de Gaulle would after 40 long years of slow ascent manage to be named Commander-in-Chief of the French African Army, a title which had by that point become almost more political in nature than military, as it represented what was effectively the head of state of French occupied Algeria. In 1920 he convened the high command and several prominent political, societal and religious figures at his seafront palace in Oran at what became known as the Oran Conference. Here the Algiers Republic was officially founded as a democratic state with near universal suffrage, ruled by an executive presidency serving 7 year terms, a move meant to appease the Arab population, which would prove effective. Simultaneously, however, this conference saw the formation and founding of the National Liberation Committee, which took on the role previously held by the High Command of the French African Army. The Committee became the shadow government of the region with its Chairman, de Gaulle appointed inaugural office holder, serving as the paramount leader of the nation, puppeteering the democratic government from behind closed doors. It was determined the Chairman would be elected by the Committee to an unfixed term, meaning once appointed he serves until death, incapacitation or removal.
 The Banner of the National Liberation Committee, as defined at the Oran Conference - the Republican tricolor adorned by the Cross of Lorraine |
Henri would pass in May 1932 at the de Gaulle Estate in Oran. A monument in his honor stands proud in front of the government offices in Algiers. The Père - the Father - as he was known for his efforts in founding the nation in its current form, would be succeeded by his son, a talented military commander with daring political ambition, Charles de Gaulle. Charles would become widely acclaimed as the greatest leader of the Free French Forces, after he united a Committee fractured into factions in the wake of Henri's death, finalized the neutralization and pacification of revolting Arabs and seized on the opportunities of instability in Morocco and Tunisia to expand the borders of the République, incorporating all of Tunisia and northern Morocco and creating a platform for the leap back into Europe.
In the mid 1940s everything seemed to be coming together and the fruits of French labor seemed ripe for picking, after 70 long years of exile it appeared the Army of Africa would at last return home, lead by the great General de Gaulle. Alas, the General was backstabbed by internal forces. Several members of the Committee believed de Gaulle to be pursuing personal glory under the guise of French revanchism and feared he would, if he successfully liberated Paris, enforce authoritarian rule across the new nation, instead of making way for a new Republic as had been envisioned by the Oran signatories. As such, the Committee refused to back his attempts at launching the invasion across the sea. Three times in the '40s he approached them with a proposal, three times a perfect spark flared up to be taken advantage of, and three times he was rejected. This inability to rally the Committee behind himself is considered the greatest failure of the Charles de Gaulle years. Despite this, he remained a popular figure across the country, and even though they refused to follow him to war the Committee maintained the belief he was most qualified to serve as the Chairman, thus he retained the seat long after his grand reconquest was denied. De Gaulle would serve at the head of the NLC until 1968 when he resigned due to advancing illness. He died two years later in Oran as the longest serving Chairman in République history, presiding over the nation for 36 years.
As Charles had succeeded Henri, Philippe would succeed Charles, entering the third consecutive generation of Gaullist rule in Algiers. The following five decades would however not be as eventful as the previous five. The groundwork laid by Père and the General would prove sturdy, rigid and unshakeable. The nation, despite great ethnic and cultural diversity would remain mostly peaceful, the great revolts of the early 20th century long since suppressed and forgotten. The République would benefit greatly off its central location in the Mediterranean, its natural gas deposits in Algeria and its control over most of the Straits of Gibraltar. Philippe de Gaulle and his son and successor Jean would preside over a five decade period of economic growth, ethno-cultural intermixing and assimilation and unprecedented internal calm, which historians of the 21st century have labelled 'la Paix Gaulliste' - the Gaullist peace. The grand dreams of Henri and Charles of marching victoriously into France seemed to fall out of sight and out of mind, as the leadership of the République embraced instead its own unique national identity as it was slowly forming. The influence of the Continentaux - the French who had been direct descendants of continental elites who fled with Napoleon to Africa, and who had acted effectively as the highest caste of Algerian society for decades - was diminished, with the Pieds-Noirs, the lower caste of French émigrés, and the Métis, French-Arab mixed race populations, taking the leading role.
La Paix has thus succeeded in reducing unrest between the European and Arab populations of Algiers, as the two have grown used to cohabitation and all citizens enjoy equal rights and duties before the law and the ability to elect the symbolic government. The NLC remains dominated by the European minority, however the citizenry of French ancestry has about as much say in their actions as the Arab citizenry, that is to say, very little, so this is not such an ethnically charged issue. In recent years the figurehead President has even been allowed to sit on the Committee. Being a single member whose interests often differ from the other commissars he in practice wields little power, however nonetheless has voting rights in the council just like all other attendees.
Further the era of peace has allowed the Algerian economy to flourish. While a noticeable divide remains between the coast and inner regions, it is nevertheless undeniable that through trade, ethno-economic integration, resource export and investment in local business, infrastructure and schooling, the République has achieved a standard, especially along the coast, that is not far removed from that of the European or American powers. The motives behind such are of course clear, a greater economy can support a greater army. But, la Paix has kept the citizenry from questioning those motives too much. One of the more notable children of the Peace has been de Gaulle University. Located in the suburbs of Oran and with an endowment funded through the de Gaulle Estate - the private family fund of the de Gaulle family -, it is ranked as the nation's most prestigious and acclaimed university and has provided the République with priceless advancements in research, technology and education.
Philippe served as Chairman for 27 years, from 1968 until his retirement in 1995, he still lives today at the de Gaulle Estate. Jean de Gaulle served 25 years, from 1995 until his untimely death in 2020. Now, storm clouds slowly gather over Algiers, as a 5th generation of the Grand Dynasty, one not so inclined to la Paix, and one starving for the glory denied to the General, prepares to seize the reins of power.